01/06/2009 ROSALES: RELIGION, HISTORY AND HANDLING
Yes we accept that power - following the definition of Max Weber, is the ability to modify the behavior of others by a group of individuals, we must also accept that the exercise of power does it implies notions of violence, may not always be based on market mechanisms to achieve the conviction. In many cases, those in power make use of various cultural constructs, ideological and historical. Is that the case of Manuel Rosales and the current governor of Zulia, Pablo Perez.
Identifying underlying the official propaganda of the Interior, in the sense that the political representatives of the party Un Nuevo Tiempo - Manuel Pablo Pérez Rosales first and currently, are the embodiment of Zulia, is a manifestation of the maxim that we announce the principle. All tissue
discourse of official actions, is structured in the distinct cultural insistence of Zulia to the rest of the country. In practice we must recognize that differentiality, no doubt because of the peculiarities of Zulia, though without seeming contradiction, this recognition does not mean to share the representation that seeks to build a sense of alienation towards the Venezuelans themselves. To this end, we have structured a very logical manipulation of character identity of Zulia, fed from historical research and properly supported from the official apparatus of our regional organization, mixing elements of historical, ideological and religious.
Historically, we know that the historical space Maracaibo - as we speak of the historical region that includes the current state of Zulia and the states of Mérida, Táchira and Trujillo, as well as part of Lara and Falcon "had a strength derived from the impact of the port Maracaibo acquires from the early seventeenth century, a result of having served out the goods and products coming from the Andes. This trade, combined with the fact that our state takes the form of a horseshoe, by all the surrounding physical - to the west the Sierra de Perija, south-eastern Andean Cordillera and the Lara-Falcon system, influenced the particular isolation of this historic space and little contact with the rest of the territory of the Captaincy General of Venezuela and the later republic. About this isolation and the strength - insist on it, we developed a multi-elite, their social ties, cultural, political and economic use - and use-that prosperity their own benefit. The oft-named autonomy and identity of Zulia, was and is an excuse for their own benefit of that elite, who framed on regionalism has subjugated, exploited, and enjoyment of wealth without any scruples. We have said that Rosales - just like Jorge Venancio Pulgar-Sutherland and have employed the enormous historical pride of Zulia for their own purposes. Have called on citizens of Zulia to deal with the central power in a "supposed" self-defense and ended up leaving those who promised to defend.
The obvious question is how this phenomenon has been generated?. Both in the nineteenth century and in the final years twentieth century and the beginning of this century, has built an interpretative framework, understood as a set of rules, rituals and symbols that serve to justify the hegemony of the elite multifunctional. The religious cult of the Virgin of Chiquinquirá, the formal structure of the Catholic Church, the cultural industries controlled by that elite, and the ability to handle economic served - and serves, to associate them with the Zulia. It is interesting to see how propaganda and Pablo Pérez Rosales speaks of the government of Zulia and the means employed in the state song to accompany the release of their works. It is known one of those ads, which for much of his time making is to accompany the images of works, roads and alterations made by the executive with Anthem. We find there a suggested message: those who govern are the Zulia, the "others" are explicitly presented as perpetrators of "this Zulia. Anyone who claims to draw on those political leaders any criticism, merely attack the Zulia. Thus we see how to construct an identification between the political representative and the identity of Zulia. That strategy is not new, insist on it-it was implemented in the nineteenth century with success, and is again made with the consent and advice of a group of intellectuals and historians - well respected and esteem for me, as part of institutional support team Pablo Pérez y Manuel Rosales. The worst of it is that through this partnership, manipulation concealed the interest of promoting deep feelings of the Venezuelan differential across and from there, holding ideas of secession or autonomy for the territorial integrity risky.
is to feel that there is a great "injustice" manifested by the contribution it makes and receives Zulia thereby seeks to mobilize the Zulia "in defense of the same." This defense is framed in political action of the regional government and their political heads, who appear as "real" champions of the identity of Zulia, when in fact they only defend their own economic interests.
Dr. Juan Eduardo Romero
Historian
Juane1208@gmail.com
26/05/2009
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