Venezuela: an assessment after 10 years of Chavez's victory
VENEZUELA: 10 YEARS AFTER THE TRIUMPH OF CHAVEZ (1998-2008)
glimpses analysis compared the development of general indicators (social, political, economic, etc) between two points or historical circumstances. It is perhaps the most complete tool - epistemologically speaking, to study interpretation and construct a critical vision of history.
In Venezuela, where on Saturday marked 10 years after the victory of Chavez, we are given an extraordinary opportunity for comparative analysis. The 1st point must be the political system. When Chavez came to power, the political system had evolved from a two-party system - with 2 AD dominant organizations and one multi-COPEI. The deterioration of historical forces or parties was evident. AD and had gone to get COPEI 93% of the valid votes in the 1988 elections reach just 43% in 1993 and just 6% in 1998. The emergence of organizations of the new momentum - MVR, Proyecto Venezuela, showed signs that something was changing in the Venezuelan political decisions. The political re-articulation is significant, whether we take into account those who support Chavez and those who oppose it. The re-politicization of the Venezuelan people is clear and thus there is an increase of the idea of \u200b\u200bcitizenship beyond mere electoral exercise. At this point the balance must be positive.
The Venezuelan economy, which for the moment of triumph Chávez was affected by the 1994 banking crisis, hit by structural adjustment agenda implemented by Teodoro Venezuela Pettkoff not envisioned with great expectations. A barrel of oil price below U.S. $ 10 per barrel ensured a critical situation. Chavez's initial measures favored the bank capital. Protection through the monitoring of change, the initial maintenance of economic policy belied Caldera big changes. Would be after the re-legitimization of Chávez in 2000 when he began to economic adjustment through a policy designed to diversify the productive nature of the economy. The confrontation with the national capital would be the dominant feature and explains the fact why the political conflict will be led by Pedro Carmona, president of FEDECAMARAS from the strike of December 10, 2001, organized as a reaction to the enabling legislation. The economic indicators speak for themselves. Economic growth rates back to 2003 indicate some success that has allowed Chavez out a social policy that has yielded the fruits election. The increase in the price of a barrel of oil as a result of a foreign policy that gave priority to industry recovery was remarkable. However, in this case we consider that the balance is not all positive.
From the social point of view, Chavez's government brought the issue to the agenda. And she brought not as a compensatory element, as was the case in the Agenda Venezuela, he brought as a priority line of action. The recovery of the indicators that make up the Human Development Index (HDI) such as education, infant mortality, schooling, health care, among others, is evident. At this point the balance is positive without any debate. The figures speak for themselves. In fact they are so effective that we do see the social actions of Manuel Rosales, one realizes how emulate Chavez's policies. The international theme
the status or balance can be ambiguous. On one side is positive in the sense to advance a policy that emphasized the non-aligned foreign policy of Venezuela with the interests and positions of the U.S.. Forward a policy that served the so-called diplomatic fronts (Caribbean, Andean, Amazonian and Atlantic) was a resounding success and catapulted regional leadership level Chavez. The downside is that somehow his action was seen as a kind of imperialism in Latin America, and although it is not, the U.S. has exploited the presence and support of Chavez to other spaces in the Caribbean and Latin America, using this partnership as political propaganda against. The fact that the Chavez government has not been very effective in explaining the meaning foreign aid, has meant that areas not well informed to believe that it is "giving away" money from the Venezuelans.
With respect to the recognition of human and social rights, it should be firm in indicating that the process of integration of traditionally excluded sectors of the social spheres has been a trademark of Chavez. The incorporation and care of children, women and ethnic minorities has resulted in important social supports should be recognized. These sectors have been particularly favored to become social subjects for priority action by state agencies. The balance, positive.
The issue of social conflict must be addressed. Any process of adjustment and / or political transition, defined as a change in social and political conditions generates resistance. Hegemonic political factors, related to the historical political parties were actually displaced from the exercise of power. Social conflict and intolerance of the period 2001-2004 will not be easily forgotten. The deficit of democratic coexistence of the conflicting parties was demonstrated and should be a collective effort to recover the mutual tolerance and respect, "At this point the balance is negative.
The fact that Chavez has proposed a general plan of the country, as was demonstrated in the Development Plan Social economic nation (PDESN) 2001-2007 and 2007-2013 is an achievement. There is a prospect for the future of the country, although not shared by all, according to a reference path that assumes the need for a prospective medium-term about the direction of social, economic and political where it is headed in Venezuelan society. The balance, positive.
There is no doubt that the situation actively and conflict looms again. The proposed constitutional amendment surprised the forces of opposition to Chavez and the mechanism chosen to present it - the initiative of the National Assembly, giving little time for the opposition to prepare for and activated in an attempt to reduce the advantage of close lead of 1,500,000 votes obtained by the PSUV in the election of 23-N. The challenge of the opposition is not to get swept in this circumstance. For Chavez is raising its vote by resorting to the shape and leadership of Chávez. The 2009 appears to us very busy and interesting. Dr. John E.
Historian
Romero
Juane1208@gmail.com
07/12/2008
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